Te_36_1-2Te_36_1aTe_36_1b

Te_36_1cTe_36_1d

Te_36_1eTe_36_1f

HMA/TE/TIB/36_2

Te_36_2aTe_36_2b

Te_36_2cTe_36_2d

Te_36_2eTe_36_2f

HMA/TE/TIB/36

Introduction
This document was probably a single scroll that has now fallen into two parts. Part 1 contains 120 lines and the fragments of a few others. Part 2 comprises 110 lines. Each part consists of a number of sections (identified by Roman numerals) dealing with different topics. A number of different, or possibly different, hands (identified by capital letters) are recognisable. The scroll was made by sheets of paper of varying length and width being pasted end to end. The coherence of the text is reduced by the fact that the sheets in question appear to have been written before the scroll was compiled, probably at different times, and some passages have been inserted in the wrong order. As if all this were not bad enough, the edges of the scroll have suffered a certain amount of wear and tear over the years with the consequence that several passages consist of series of incomplete lines. Almost inevitably, the most badly damaged section is a passage that is historically the most interesting. The work is written in cursive dbu med script, and although it contains numerous vagaries of orthography as well as some idiomatic forms, both the handwriting and the style suggest a degree of erudition that is rarely matched in other documents of the archive. At the present day, scribal tasks are carried out by the rNying ma pa lamas of Tshognam. However, we know that Te once had a number of monks who were associated with the Sa skya pa monasteries of the Muktinath Valley. The likelihood that at least part of the work was written by a Sa skya pa monk rather than a rNying ma pa lama is enhanced by a quotation from Sa skya Paita at the end of Section VIII. No dates appear in the text, but certain indicators provide us with a clue as to when it may have been— and when it was not—written. An important hint is provided by the following two passages:

In the time of…(?)gardzong, the army of the Pöndrung and the armies of Thag and Som [and the army of Lo?]…when they surrounded Dangardzong with their armies, the dzong was abandoned…on top of the…os Pass [?]…the Tshugwas all turned back from the military camp…

…Also, from Lego (?) Sonam Pema said, “Wicked [people of] Tibet, in the past you [or, first of all you]…

….we shall see whether or not you/they send orders to the subjects (i.e. Baragaon?), he said. This point is [an instance of the way in which] they brought disgrace upon you (Part 1, ll. 84–88).

And later:

During the conflict between Tibet and Mon, we went to [the side of] the good (lit. white) people of Tibet (Part 1, ll. 117–118).

The second excerpt tells us simply that there was a war between Tibet and Mon, and that “we”, the Tepas, fought on the side of the former. The opening phrase of the section, “In the time of [Dang]gardzong…”, implies that Dangardzong had been destroyed by the time the document was written, and the remaining lines do appear to deal with the events that led up to its fall. The modern settlement of Dangardzong is situated to the west of the Kali Gandaki, near the larger village of Phelag. On a ridge to the west of the village are the ruins a fortress, locally called Drakardzong (presumably Brag dkar rdzong), ‘the Fortress of the White Crag’. At the foot of the fortress it is possible to discern the remains of a settlement which, local folklore has it, was destroyed along with the defensive structures in some forgotten military action. The implication of this passage in the document is that Dangardzong was besieged, and possibly destroyed, by a combined force from Baragaon (‘the army of the Pöndrung’), Thag, Thini (Som) and one other area: all that remains of this last location in the text is a subscript l, which suggests that the army in question may have been that of Lo (Glo bo), but this must remain conjectural. We do not know whether Dangardzong was being attacked because it was on the side of the Monpas, or because the Monpas were using Dangardzong as a stronghold.

Jumla helped Baragaon to secede from Lo in the second half of the eighteenth century. The two excerpts cited above tells us that this could not have been the conflict in question: first, Tibet is involved in the conflict; second, the Monpas are the enemies, not the allies; and finally, if Lo was involved, it was on the same side as Baragaon. Deferential reference is made to the ruling family of Baragaon—“you who protect us, the sKya rgyal family” (Part 1, ll. 20ff). The first member of this family to come to Lo—at the instigation of the king—was a certain Khro bo ’bum, who settled in a place called Kyekyagang (sKya rgyal sgang), a short distance to the east of Monthang. It was Khro bo ’bum’s son, Khro bo skyabs pa, who was sent to the Muktinath Valley to rule southern Lo on behalf of the king in the first half of the sixteenth century (Schuh 1995: 42–43; 52–53). Absence of acknowledgement of any institutions and representatives of Jumla, and the ongoing skirmishing with “Monpas”, suggests that Jumla had not yet established itself in the area.

Among the protagonists mentioned in this document are two kings: one is named as Big ram sras, and the other as Sa li ban (Part 1, l. 91). “Big ram sras” almost certainly denotes King Vikrāmaśāhi, who ruled Jumla from 1602 to 1631 (Pandey 1997: 196–201); “Sa li ban” is probably Salivahana, a seventeenth-century Magar king of Jumla.1Another possibly identifiable figure is “the minister dBram shing” who appears on l. 107 of Part 1. The Mon thang Bem chag refers to two diplomatic missions by a certain “minister Sram shing” of Jumla in the years 1638 and 1639 (Schuh 1994: 82). Both forms are undoubtedly attempts to reproduce the Hindu name “Rām Singh” in Tibetan, and it is likely that they are the same person. The events described in the present document therefore seem to have taken place around the middle of the seventeenth century, and may concern the actions leading to Jumla’s establishment of its hegemony in the region during the reign of [Vîra]bahādur Śāhi (1635–1665; cf. Pandey 1997: 202; Schuh ibid.: 77).

Structure and content
The document is essentially a long letter of complaint from the people of Te to the rulers of Baragaon in the Muktinath Valley. As a result of the damaged condition of the beginning and end of the scroll, neither the sender nor the addressee is specified, but the content of the work leaves us in little doubt as to the intention underlying the composition. The complaints relate to the behaviour of the people of Tshug, who are accused of having perpetrated a variety of crimes against other settlements in the region, but particularly against Te. The document appeals to the rulers of the region, the Kyekya Gangba nobles who reside in the Muktinath Valley, to punish the Tshugpas for their misdemeanours. It points out that, in addition to causing widespread suffering among the common people of Shod, the Tshugpas have violated a number of laws that were promulgated by the rulers. These grievances are epecially interest- ing insofar as they tell us which laws were regarded at the time as having been promulgated by the Kyekya Gangba rulers.

Sections I–II, ll. 1–59
This initial section contrasts the civic virtues of Te with the violations committed by the people of Tshug. It is evident that there were certain laws to which members of all communities were obliged to conform, but we do not know whether they were actually introduced, or merely reconfirmed, by the Kyekya Gangba rulers. Thus the Tepas, who emphasise that they have been “looking after their dependents”, provide a number of illustrations of their law-abiding nature:

  1. There has been an equitable distribution of animal-dung (a valuable source of fuel and fer- tiliser) among all villagers irrespective of their status.
  2. Orphans under thirteen years of age have been exempted from paying poll-taxes to the com- munity.
  3. Compassionate leave of absence from village duties has been granted to recently-bereaved householders.
  4. Corvée and transportation duties for householders with few members have been reduced, and the tax-burden of poorer members of the community has been lightened.

One of the conclusions that can be drawn from this section is that tax obligations and other forms of service to the rulers in the Muktinath Valley were organised not on the basis of individual households but of entire communities. However, while the communities were entitled to manage the distribution of these duties among their component households, there were cer- tain legal requirements that had to be followed in the apportionment of tasks. It will be seen presently that certain types of duties were allocated not to individual communities, but to whole groups of settlements within the enclave.

The Tepas also state that they are complying with laws against the dissolution of estates. The document cites three instances in which households abandoned their estates, and the com- munity, in accordance with the law, desisted from dissolving them. In one case the villagers were able to find a substitute occupant; in the other two, even though no substitutes could be found the estates were retained intact.

There is a suggestion that the maintenance of social hierarchical distinctions was required by law. One of the Tepas who abandoned his estate became a wandering bard (ma i pa), but returned to Te apparently with the intention of reclaiming his property. But bards were of low social status then, as indeed they are at the present time, and the Tepas emphasise the fact that they have not shared any utensils with him pending a decision from the ruler regarding his future. The implication is that the ruler himself had the authority to raise the status of one of his subjects, a procedure that in this case would be a prerequisite to his reintegration into the community as a householder.

These instances of civic conformism are then contrasted with the offences of the Tshugpas, who have “turned their backs on the dPon drung sKya rgyal gang pa”. There is a reference to Tsarang (tsang rang) in the same sentence (Section 1, l. 33), but because of damage to the text we unfortunately do not know the relevance of this town in the context. We may only speculate on the possibility that there was some tension between the noble rulers of Tsarang and those of the Muktinath Valley, and that Tshug is being accused of some treacherous association with the former.

The document then lists several examples of how Tshug, in contrast with Te, has failed to abide by the rule whereby abandoned estates should not be dissolved, but have even gone so far as to forbid those who have returned to the village to reclaim their property—behaviour which, as the document points out, “tends towards the destruction of the community”. Furthermore, in contrast to the compassion shown by the Tepas to the poor of their community, the Tshugpas have enslaved a number of individuals who were unable to pay their poll-taxes, and have extorted from certain defaulting debtors property greatly exceeding the value of the debt.

Section III, ll. 60–83
This section, which begins on a new sheet of paper, elaborates on a subject that has already been introduced in Section I: the destruction by the Tshugpas of other settlements in Shod. Tshug is accused here of causing the abandonment of four villages: Chuwer, Samar, Kyudeng and Tshumpag. Gyaga and Tsele, though continuing to hold on, are also under severe pressure from Tshug. The names Chuwer, Kyudeng and Tshumpag all correspond to areas of pastureland within a few hours’ walk of Tshug, and the presence of abandoned fields and buildings on these sites testifies to the fact that they were indeed once inhabited settlements. (For more detailed descriptions of these sites see Ramble and Seeber 1995.)

However, it is not merely the seizure of these territories that gives the Tepas cause for complaint. The tax liabilities of the abandoned settlements are now being shouldered by all the surviving communities of Shod, even though it is only the Tshugpas who are enjoying usufruct of the lands they have appropriated. The document points out that “in the great rdzongs”—by which we should probably understand all the communities under the aegis of Dzar, Dzong, Kag and perhaps Dangardzong, the tax obligations of any settlement are paid only by those who use its fields and pastures. In conformity with this principle, it is argued, either the Tshugpas alone should be responsible for paying the taxes of the communities they have annexed, or else the other Shod villages should have access to these lands.

Now these arguments enable us to draw certain interesting conclusions regarding the apportionment of tax obligations in Baragaon during this period. We have already seen that, for certain categories of tax, the rulers dealt not with individuals or householders but whole communities; how the communities raised the funds (probably grain, rather than cash) was their own affair, although the rulers do appear to have laid down certain guidelines regarding clemency to the indigent. In the case of other tax-obligations, however, it appears that the rulers dealt with the Shod as a whole, rather than with its component villages. Further light on the matter is shed by another document in the archive, HMA/Te/Tib/37.

Section IV, ll. 84–90
The relatively greater width of the two sheets of paper on which this and the following section are written has resulted in damage to the edges of the page, with the unfortunate result that the meaning of much of the two passages—historically the most interesting part of the entire scroll—is obscure. The opening phrase of the section, “In the time of [Dang] gar dzong..”., implies that Dangardzong had been destroyed by the time the document was written, and the remaining lines do appear to deal with the events that led up to its fall. The modern settlement of Dangardzong is situated to the west of the Kali Gandaki, near the larger village of Phelag. On a ridge to the west of the village are the ruins a fortress, locally called Drakardzong (pre- sumably ’Brag dkar rdzong). At the foot of the fortress it is possible to discern the remains of a settlement which, local folklore has it, was destroyed along with the fortress in some forgotten military action. The implication of this passage in the document is that Dangardzong was besieged, and possibly destroyed, by a combined force from Baragaon (“the army of the dPon drung”), Thag, Thini (Som) and one other area: all that remains of this last location in the text is a subscript l, which suggests that the army in question may have been that of Lo (Glo or Klo), but this must remain conjectural.

There is a suggestion of hostility between Te and Tshug on the one hand and between Tshug and Tibet on the other. It is implied that Baragaon (together with Te) and Tibet were somehow allied in an unspecified conflict, but that Tshug acted treacherously against Baragaon. These lines of battle, as it were, become slightly clearer in the following section.

Section V, ll. 90–120
While the identification of King Sa li ban (Salivahana) in l. 91 remains uncertain, the mention of Minister dBram shing (Rām Singh) later on in this section suggests that these events took place during the reign of Vîrabahādur Śāhi. Part of the problem with understanding what is going on is the uncertain identity of the ‘Monpas’ whom the Tshugwas appear to have been backing. On the face of it, it seems that the treachery of Tshug against its neighbours went as far as supporting Jumla against the Kyekya Gangba dukes. ‘Monpa’ may also refer to some other group of southerners such as Parbat, who are known to have intervened in later conflicts between Lo and Jumla. If this is the case, then the Monpas are friendly forces who were behav- ing in an undisciplined manner towards the local civilian population, and the Tshugwas were profiting from their excesses. If not, and the Monpas are indeed the hostile troops of Jumla, then we are confronted with the extraordinary spectacle of a member of the Baragaon enclave acting against the interests of all the others. How could it be that Tshug was in a position to ally itself with an enemy of both the Muktinath Valley and of Lo? Tshug, and indeed the other Shod yul, seem at this stage to have enjoyed a greater degree of autonomy from the Muktinath Valley than they were to in later times. As stated in the Introduction, the name Baragaon (Tib. Yul kha bcu gnyis) means the ‘Twelve Settlements’, but actually denotes a group of eighteen settlements. We know that by the mid-seventeenth century Tshug and its neighbours were regarded as part of Baragaon. Could it be that, prior to the events described in this document, the Shod yul were not directly under the jurisdiction of the dukes of the Muktinath Valley; and that they were reined in only after the subsequent reprisals against Tshug—mentioned in the text—by the Kyekya Gangba dukes? The exclusion of the five Shod yul and Samar would leave us with twelve villages—possibly the eponymous core group. In the absence of supporting evidence, however, this must remain conjectural for now.

In any event, in the Muktinath Valley only Dzar and Dzong seem to have been able to hold out against the invaders, while Te stood alone in the Shod yul.

Section VI: Part 2, ll. 1–35
The events referred to in this excerpt (written in a different hand from the passages cited earlier) clearly took place at a different time from those documented in the first part. They have the character of acts of petty peacetime banditry, rather than of offences perpetrated against whole communities during the general mayhem of war. Moreover, the Kyekya rulers, instead of being beseiged in their strongholds, are in a position to do something about the misbehaviour of their Tshugwa subjects. In this case, the Tepas are not lodging any formal complaint, as due punishment against their neighbours seems to have been meted out. They are merely listing the Tshugwas’ offences in various parts of Mustang for the sake of the record.

Section VII: Part 2, ll. 36–90
This section (written in the same hand as Section V, above) brings the narrative back to a period of war, and the injustices suffered by Te over the system of military corvée that was imposed in the villages. We are told that these events occurred during the time of Vikrāmaśāhi (r. 1602–1631). If the identification of this figure and of Rām Singh are correct, it is likely that the order of Sections V and VII has been reversed by the compilers of the scroll: the scribe of these two sections (Hand E) in any case appears to be the same.

Section VIII: Part 2, ll. 91–116
Like Section VI, this section has the flavour of peacetime complaints against the uncivil behaviour of the people of Tshug. The structure—consisting of the numbered itemisation of grievances—is the same, and it is possible that the hand in which it is written is identical to that of Section VI.

Part 1: Transliteration
The beginning of the document missing. A few syllables of two preceding lines are visible on a small fragment. Transcription begins at the first full line.

Section I, Hand A

  1. byas pa yin | de yang zhab rtog du ’gro yin yod mchis |
  2. nged kyis zhol ma rnams la skyong ltar byed lugs zur tsam zhu ba la |
  3. ri ga’i lud kyang kon pas dab nas grag zhan yed mnyam [d]u
  4. go ba yin | mi smon pa’i do tsam lus pa byung na yang lo bcu [gs]u[m]
  5. gyi ring la khral med la bzhag pa yin | de yang zhab rtog du ’gro [S -]
  6. yod mchis | mi smon pa’i gnas mo shi ba |b|[y]u [ng] |na| [±2S]
  7. lo [±3S] |g|s ’du’i sar yong mi dgos [±3S]
  8. [±4S] [1?]kral dus ma (stogs) ci ston [±3S]
  9. [±4S] yin mchis | de la bed dang chang ’dren cig [kyang?]
  10. [±4S] [m]chis | de yang zhab rtog du ’gro yin yod |
  11. mch[i]s | bya btang dpal ldan dar yul thon rung zhing khang sas
  12. kyag med pa nor dpal la ’du ba tsug pa yin | de yang zhab
  13. rtog du ’gro yin yod mchis | ta spyang chos la bros
  14. rung kun dga’ tshe ring gi tsun pa log rog byis byas
  15. zhu ba phul kyang log ma nyan pa dang | rgya ga’ tshe ring (lhun grub)
  16. gyi bu cig ’du tshab la dgos byas pas yong du ma nyan |
  17. spyi byas kyang ’du tshab zung khan ma byor ba ma rtog khang zhing
  18. gang la yang sas kyag ma byas mchis | yang de tshams
  19. bu chen tho rang chos ’gros la song rung tso ’or zhal ngo
  20. rnams kyis ’gug so cig gnangm bsam | zhing khang gang la
  21. yang sas kyag med pa lo cig zhag pa yin mchis |
  22. ma i ba byas yong rung zhal ngo rnams kyis gong pa nam byung |gy|i
  23. bar | nged sted pa dang kha ’ad yang ma sres pa yin chis |
  24. nged kyis g.yung rung nor bzab la chu thag gi zur phe slang du cug nas
  25. ’du ba’i thes byas pa yin mchis | de yang zhab rtog du
  26. ’gro yin yod mchis | nged kyi mi med pa la ’u lag

  27. gi chags | nor med pa la khral chags byas ma byas zhal ngo

  28. rnams kyi snyan yul du san pa yin mchis | kho tshug

  29. pas zhab ’dren du ’gro ba byas pa la | kho tshug pas mar bsod

  30. nam gyi bu cig po bsad tsang sle ba yul stong la thug pa de kho tshug

  31. pa la thug | de zhab rtog yin nam zhab ’dren yin | thu[gs]

  32. gong tso ba zhu | kho tshug pa ka zhab rtog che zer gyin [’d]|u|[g |]

  33. dpon drung skya rgyal gang pa la gyab rtan nas tsang rang la [ngo?]

  34. [l]|o|g pa de | zhab rtog yin nam zhab ’dren yin thug g[o]ng

  35. tso ba zhu | tshel ldan ngo log rung zhal ngo rnams kyis gong

  36. pa gnang ste | bi tsa ’di ru yong rung khang zhing rnams la |dm|i|g|

  37. snye byas nas | mi ster ba de zhab rtog yin nam zhab ’dren

  38. yin thug gong tso ba zhu | nam kha bsam grub yul thon rung

  39. ’gug so mi byed par zhing khang la dmig snye byas nas mi ster ba

  40. de zhab rtog yin nam zhab ’dren yin thug gong tso ba zhu | god pa

  41. yul thon rung ’gug so mi byed par | zhing khang rnams la dmig

  42. sny[e] byas nas stan shig tsad khyer du ’gro ba byas pa yin [|] de zhab

  43. [’dre]n du ’gro mi ’gro thug gong tso ba zhu | yang glo gros don

  44. grub yul thon rung zhing khang rnams la dmig snye byas nas ’gug

  45. so ma byed par zas de yul gyi phyag shig tu ’gro mi ’gro

  46. thug gong tso ba zhu | yang (lhun grub) bros rung khang zhing kun zas

  47. stan shig gi rtsa ba ru ’gro mi ’gro thug gong tso ba zhu |

Section II, Hand B

48. der ma zad khyed (tshug pa’i) grags rigs rnams kyi tshug pa gzhol
49. ma’i phral phran bu ma ’khor ba la mon pa’i bsam grub la
50. snya zung byas nas g.yog por skol pa yin | yang dpal ’bar
51. gyi sring mo pal mo mon pa’i g.yog por skol ba yin |

New sheet, Hand B contd.

52. tshe ring don ’grub kyi a mas na mo che snya zung byas
53. nas na mo che nam shi’i bar g.yog por skol ba
54. yin | yang blug ti mas mad gnyis snya bzung byas
55. g.yog por skol ba yin | steng ya’i bsam ’grub
56. (dpal ldan) gyi za di la tsha zo ba phyed la zhing zo ba zhi sa
57. phrog | yang glu gu’i bu sangs rgyas shi med la sha zhog
58. cig la nas bod khal bdun dang sha chang dang bcas pa zas |
59. de yang dpon drung rnams kyi zhabs ’dren yin |

Section III, new sheet, Hand C

60. chu bar stong pa’i phral | sa dmar stong pa’i phral |
61. skyus rdeng stong pa’i phral | ’tshum pag stong pa’i phral |
62. de rnams kyi phral khong gi khur yin yod mchi
63. bsam | de rnams kyi ri klung kun ’khong gi ’cad
64. kyin yod mchi pas | de rnams kyi ’o gom ’u
65. lag rnams ’khong gi khur yin yod mchi bsam |
66. yul chung ’di rnams stong rtu cug pa’i rtsa ba
67. tshug pa la thug mchi pas | yul chung
68. ’di rnams kyi ’o gom ’u lag ’khong la dkal
69. ba zhu | gal srid ’khong la dkal ba mi
71. la dgos nas snang ba zhu | ri zhing ’di rnams
72. kyi ’o gom ’u lag kun nged shod pa’i khur ba
73. yin mchi pas thug dgong tso ba zhu |
74. rgya ga tsang le gnyis kyang ma chag na
75. ’khong la za rgyu yod bsam nas | ri rlung
76. thams cad la ang che byed kyin yod mchi |
77. tshwa ku’i thad la rdzong chen rnams la yang | ri rlung
78. thul nas ma rtog gzhan thams cad la
79. phral ston pa yin | tshug pa’i ri gye
80. kun thul na ma rtog tshwa ku gter rgyu med
81. nyed sted pa tshwa ku kyang pa la chags pa yin
82. chu bar tab na chu bar gyi rim kyel kyi ’u lag tab khan de’i
83. rkyal rgyu yin |

Section IV, new sheet, Hand D

84. [ ]|(gs)| gar rdzong gi (skabs su) dpon drung gi dmag thag som gyi dmag [-]l[ ]
85. [ ][d?]mag dang bcas pas dangs gar rdzong skor ba’i dus rdzong bor na[s][ ]
86. [ ]os la kha la | gar thog nas tshug pa kun ngo log pa’i [ ]
87. [ ]|y|l|ang blas sgo nas bsod rnams padma’i kha nas bod ngan khyod sngar [ ]
88. [ ]|l|nga shab la lung tang rgyu yong mi yong rta ’o zer nas zhab|s| [ ]
89. [ ]|by|as pa’i na ma de ma zad nyed sted pa’i sgo skras (thams cad) tshug pa’i khyer ba yod [ ] …

Section V, new sheet,Hand E

90. [?] mangs la (rags) pa rgyu skar lta bu yod kyang | nyung la bsdus pa nyi zla lta bu’i tshig gs[u]m zh[u] …
91. [?][m]|ch|is | rgyal po sa li ban dang slon po rgyam dpal bzang gnyi tshug su [-]r[±1] [ ]
92. [ ] zhab dren byas pa’i na ma dang gcig | tshug pa’i kha nas sted pa’i phu gu [ ]
93. [ ]|n|us na | shod pa gzhan rnams rang ’grol la ’gro zer nas | phu gu’i gsang [ ]
94. [ ]|n|as | kham byas pa dang na ma gnyis | phu gu la za mi kha ba dang tshug pa’i mi [ ]
95. [ ]s gyab nus tshad kyis | mon khrid nas ston thog yod tshad zas pa’i na ma dang [gs]u[m][ ]
96. [ ]ng de’i ma chog par mon gyi bor ba la | tshug pas sted pa’i khang pa rnams dang [m?]e [ ]
97. [?] la btang ba dang na ma bzhi | yang sog ma’i nang du rkun chu drang nas | [±1]e[ ]
98. [ ]l<a?> tshug pas dzar rdzong gnyis man pa (thams cad) bab tshar khyed kyang bab pa rigs | d[ ]
99. [ ] bab na zhugs tu mthar dge mo mi yong zer lab tu yong ba dang na ma lnga [ ]
100. [ ] |m|a zad | stang yed pa rgya ga gtsang sle rnams bab dgos byung ba yang | tshug pas [±1]u[ ]
101. [ ] mi bab kha med byung ba yin pas na ma drug | al cang par gyi tsos pa’i [ ]
102. [ ] rnams kyis ston thog gi dog len tu shog zer | don gyi mon la phra [ ]
103. [ ]s nas nged kyi rgan pas tsos pa’i drag rig rnams med par btang ’grab[ ]
104. [ ]’i na ma dang bdun | de tsham nged la mon gyi bya btang nas | rgan pa rnams [ ]
105. [ ] |s|man gyi an dar nam byung gi bar rang zon byas thub pa yin m[ch?]|i|[s?] [ ]
106. [ ] d[e?] tsham tshug pas dpe ston (lugs) la | rdzong la khad lta ba la ba sm[an?] [ ]
107. [ ] slon po dbram shing | al cang par gsum gyi | rdzong nang tu phyin pa’i [ ]
108. [ ] la | rdzong gi zhag kha cig man pa mi thub pas | lan cig [ ]
109. [ ] |r|dzong la yol pad byed pa rigs zer de la thag cad nas dang gar rdzong tsu[±1] [?]
110. [ ]’i rtsa ba tshug pas byas pa yin mchis pas na ma brgyad | de [tsham?]
111. [ ]dag sted pa’i lo thog | dzar phyog ’grong bdun gyi lo thog za gyu [ ±1]u[ ]
112. [ ] dang | de dus nas kyi go ’dus mi nus pa byung mchi pas na ma dgu [ ]
113. [ ] sted pa dpon zhen byas brag phug la khras dus za kyu am pol las [ ]
114. [ ] pa dang sted pa’i ’du ba bcu gsum yul thon pa’i rtsa ba tshug pa la [th?]u[g?]
115. [ ] pa’i na ma dang bcu | chil pa gu bus ’grang pa | bya rgyal ’gyi[ng] [ ]
116. [ ]zhin | khos mon rgyab du khur nas | kha grag gi lugs byas | brag d[ ]
117. rdzong la ’khrim bcod byed zer ba’i na ma dang (bcu gcig) | kha bod mon gnyis thab [ ]
118. skabs su nged bod kyi dkar mi ru song ba dang | bod kyi ’jus song nas mon [ ]
119. g.yul dib pa’i zhor la khong cig gnyis grol pa la | sngar ya[ ]
120. ros sleng gi mi sha len zer ba ’di | lug spyang ku’i bsad pa |l?| [ ]

 

Selective amendments
1. zhabs tog tu 3. kon pa = SMT kombu, small basket; btab nas; drag zhan med 4. mi dman pa’i; da tse, SMT doze, a child of whom one or both parents are dead 6. mi dman pa’i 9. chang rin? cig 11. khang bsad 12. bskyag med; or sas kyag = Sk sekyag [lawa], to use up, finish; usually Sk sekyag purkyag [lawa] 14. btsun pa log rogs gyis 17. ci byas; zung mkhan 18. de mtshams 19. gtso bo zhal 20. ’gug so zhig, SMT gugso [byed pa], to retrieve; gnangZ basZ 21. bzhag pa yin 22. dgongs pa 23. yin mchis 24. phye slang du bcug 25. the byas 29. zhabs ’dren 30. nams kyi 32. dgongs ’tshol? ba; SMT ka, kata = topicaliser (< Tib. ni); 33. rgyab bstan? 34. yin thugs dgongs 35. kyis dgongs 36. bu tsha (SMT biza); 36–37. mig brnyas = SMT mignye [byed pa], to make use of someone else’s property 38. nam mkha’ 42. bstan bshig rstad ’khyer ? 43. blo gros 45. ’chag ’jig tu 48. drag rigs; tshug pa zhol 49. khral phran bu; mon pas 50. gnya’ zung 51. bkol ba 54. mas mad = SMT meme, mother and daughter, two or more female blood-relatives representing two or more generations 56. ldan gyis gza’ ’di ?; bzhi sa 57. phrogs; sha gzhogs; ’bo khal 60. khral 62. yod mchis 63. ri klungs; gcod < SMT ce, to use (of pastures) 64. ’o gom < Nep. hukum 65. rnams khong gis 66. stong du bcug 68. lag khong la ’gel 70. gnang na 71. bgod nas gnang 74. ma chags na 75. ri klungs 76. dbang che 77. tshwa dku’i? 79. khral bton pa; ri rgyas? 80. ster rgyu 81. rkyang pa 82. btab na; rim skyel gyi; ’debs mkhan des 83. bskyel rgyu; SMT kyal, to carry 85. bskor ba’i 88. mnga’ zhabs la; lung gtang; lta’o 89. na ma < Nep. nāmā, document? 91. blon po; bzang gnyis 93. SMT la dro = fut. of ’gro ba, to go 95. rgyab nus 99. gzhug tu mthar 101. gyis gtsos pa’i 102. bzlog len du; don gyis 103. gtsos pa’i drag rigs 103. par gtong grabs 104. de mtshams 105. an dar = Nep. ādhār, support, buttress? 109. yol ba? 111 phyogs grong bdun; za rgyu 112. kyi sgo sdud 113. dpon zhan bya’i brag; ’khras dus; za rgyu; am pol = SMT ampol, buckwheat residues 114. dud pa bcu 115. mchil pa; gu bu = SMT gumbu, gleanings, grain left in the field; ’grangs pa 116. kha drag 117. khrims gcod byed; gnyis ’thab 118. kyi jus 119. g.yul brdibs 120. spyang kus

Translation
(Every tenth line marked for the sake of convenience)

Section I, Hand A
This, too, is an instance of how we, the Tepas, have honoured you. We would like to say (zhu ba la) a few things (zur tsam) about the way in which we have been looking after our depend- ents (zhol ma). Even the dung from the hillsides has been measured out in baskets and divid- ed up equally without consideration of status (grag zhan yed [drag zhan med]). If it happens that someone is left behind as the orphan of a poor man we have stipulated that no [poll] taxes need be paid for such a person before he or she reaches the age of thirteen. This is also an instance of how we honour you. If the wife of an unfortunate person dies, he does not need to come to the assembly place [to attend village meetings for a specified number of days?].

[Lines 8,9,10 are too damaged to translate. The passage seems to mention payments to the community, which include ‘interest’ (bed) and a quantity of beer made from one ’dren (of grain). The term ’dren probably signifies the Teke word drin (SMT bokhal, Tib. ’bo khal), equivalent to twenty zo ba.]

10. In this case too we have honoured you.

Although the renouncer dPal ldan dar has left the community, we have not dissolved his estate but have put Nor dpal there to occupy it (’du ba). This, too, is an instance of the way we honour you. Ta spyang has gone off to lead a religious life. Kun dga’ tshe ring begged him to renounce his vows, but he would not agree to renounce. Although we told one of the sons of Tshe ring lhun grub of rGya ga that we needed him as a substitute occupant he did not agree to come. Not only have we been unable to find a substitute occupant, do whatever we might, we have not harmed the integrity of the estate in any way.

And furthermore, after Bu chen tho rang left for the religious life our noble masters

20. told us to bring him back. We left the estate for one year without making any infringement on it. He has come [back] here after becoming a bard. While awaiting [the relevant] permission from you nobles, he has not shared any utensils at all (? ’ad yang) with us Tepas (lit. ‘mixed mouths’). We have let gYung [d]rung nor bzab beg for his flour beside the water mill, and have occupied ourselves with his [possible] tenancy of [the empty estate]. This, too, is an instance of how we honour you.

You nobles have heard whether or not we have reduced the corvée obligations of those [households] with few [lit. no] family members, and the tax payments of those with little wealth.

But those Tshugpas have brought disgrace on you. Those Tshugpas have

30. killed the only son of Mar bsod nam. The responsibility for depopulating [lit. emptying] the community of the people of Tsang sle (Tsele) lies with the Tshugpas. Kindly reflect on whether this is to your honour or your disgrace. The Tshugpas, for their part, speak as if they honoured you highly (?); but they turned their backs on the dPon drung sKya rgyal gang pa and [defected?] to Tsarang. Please consider whether this is honour or disgrace.

Even though Tshel ldan defected, your lordships forgave him. His son returned here [to Tshug], but the Tshugpas had appropriated his estate and would not give it to him. Please consider whether this is honour or disgrace. Nam kha bsam grub left the community. However, [the Tshugpas] did not call him back but occupied his estate and will not give it to him [now that he has returned?].

40. Please consider whether this is to your honour or your disgrace. God pa left the community. They did not bring him back but appropriated his estate, acting in such a way as to violate the law (lit. destroy the doctrine) and remove its foundations. Please consider whether or not this constitutes something that disgraces you.

And furthermore, after Glo gros don grub left the community they took away his estate. They did not bring him back, but seized it—please consider whether or not this tends towards the destruction of the community.

Then lHun grub also ran away, and they seized his entire estate. Please consider whether or not this comprises a fundamental violation of the law.

Section II, Hand B
Not only this, because the powerful ones among you Tshugwas did not make up the small tax deficits of the Tshugwas in your care, the Monpas

50. seized bSam grub by the neck and enslaved him.
dPal ’bar’s sister, Pal mo, has also been enslaved by the Monpas.

New sheet, Hand B contd.
Tshe ring don ’grub’s mother has seized Na mo che by the neck and has enslaved Na mo che for life. Both Blug ti and her daughter have been seized by the neck and enslaved.

They have appropriated a field with a seed capacity of four zo ba from the za di 1 of bSam ’grub of sTeng ya (Taye) – in return for the non-payment of a debt of? – half a zo ba of salt. Moreover, they have taken (zas) seven ’bo khal of barley as well as meat and beer from Sangs rgyas shi med, the son of Glu gu, [in return for a debt of] a side of mutton. These things, too, are a disgrace to our rulers.

60. Section III, new sheet, Hand C
We think that [the Tshugpas] should pay the taxes for the abandoned settlements of Chu bar, Sa dmar, sKyus rdeng and ’Tshum pag. They are using the pastures and fields of these places. We think that they should be responsible for [performing] the government transportation duties (’o gom ’u lag) [accruing to these abandoned settlements].

The main responsibility for causing these small settlements to be abandoned lies with the Tshugpas. Please allocate the government transportation duties of these small settlements to them. If you do not so allocate them, please divide up these hill-fields among all us people of Shod, and

70. give them to us. Please note that the government transportation duties of these abandoned settlements (lit. ‘wilderness fields’) 2 is being borne by all of us Shod pa. Thinking that if rGya ga and Tsang le too were uninhabited they would take them for themselves, [The Tshugpas] are putting pressure on all their pastures and fields. Concerning our salt mines: in the capital towns everyone has been exempted from paying taxes except for those who are exploiting the pastures and fields. Only if everyone can use Tshug’s extensive (gye for rgyas ?) pasturelands 3

80. shall we let them [use] our saltmines. We Tepas settled here only for our salt mines. If [the fields of] Chu bar are planted, whoever does the planting should be responsible for fulfilling the transportation duties pertaining to Chu bar’s section of the trail (rim skyel).

Section IV, new sheet, Hand D
In the time of … (?) gar rdzong, the army of the dPon drung and the armies of Thag and Som [and the army of Lo?] … when they surrounded Dangs gar rdzong with their armies, the rdzong was abandoned… on top of the …os Pass [?] …the Tshugpas all turned back from Gar thog…
… Also, from Blas sgo (?) (the Tshugpa?) bSod rnams padma said, “Wicked (people of) Tibet, in the past you (or, first of all you)…
… we shall see whether or not you/they send orders to the subjects (i.e. Baragaon?), 4 he said. This point (na ma) is – an instance of the way in which – they brought disgrace upon you (zhabs… = zhabs [’dren]?). Not only this, but the Tshugpas took away all the door-ladders of us Tepas…

Section V, new sheet, Hand E
90. While a detailed account would be [as dense as] the constellations, we shall present a brief summary [of the main features], like the sun and the moon.

… King Sa li ban and his minister, rGyam dpal bzang, those two, … to Tshug

… this is the first instance of [the Tshugpas] bringing disgrace [on you?].

The Tshugpas said, If [we] can…the Tepas caves, the other Shod pa will give themselves up (?). They were longing to (kham byas)…from the secret [entrance?]…of the caves…

—this is the second point.

Those who would seize the caves, the Kha ba 5 and the Tshugpas…as far as they were able to. They brought the Monpas and pillaged as much of the harvest (ston thog) as there was—this is the third point.

But they were not satisfied with that. When the Monpas left them, the Tshugpas set [fire?] to the houses of the Tepas—this is the fourth point.

Furthermore, they channelled (drang) stolen water into the sprouting crops…

… The Tshugpas said, Apart from Dzar and Dzong, everyone has surrendered; you, too, must (rigs) surrender. If you [do not?] surrender, later on, in the end (zhugs tu mthar), it will not be good. They came to tell us that—this is the fifth point.

100. … Not only this, the sTang yed pas and the people of rGya ga and gTsang sle had to surrender. The fact that they were left with no option (kha med) but to submit was the doing of the Tshugwas—this is the sixth point.

The … who were headed by Al cang par said, Come and collect the compensation (dog [bzlog]) for your [damaged] crops. But in actual fact they [the Tshugpas?] betrayed us to the Monpas and we, a noble people led by our headmen, were almost annihilated—this is the seventh point.

Then, the Monpas ceased their actions against us (? bya btang…). [Our?] headmen…

… Until support from [the?] Ba sman 6 came we were able to take care…

… Then, following the example of the Tshugwas, in the same way as at the rdzong (?)…

the Ba sman, the minister dBram shing (Ram Singh) and Al cang par, those three, … go into the rdzong. Because the rdzong could hold out only for a few days, this time it would be best to avoid [launching a direct attack?]. This is what they decided. The Tshugwas are the ones who are primarily responsible for […] (tsu[ ]: perh. for gtsugs , ‘digging a way into’?) Dang gar rdzong –

110. this is the eighth point.

…ought to seize (za gyu [rygu]) the harvest of us Tepas and the harvest of seven households in the vicinity of Dzar, … and at that time we (?) were unable to gather the ears of barley (? nas kyi go [sgo])—this is the ninth point.

When [we] Tepas, powerful and lowly (lit. ‘noble and weak’) alike, took refuge in the Cliff Caves of the Birds, we had [nothing] to eat but dried buckwheat stalks and leaves. 7 The Tshugpas are the main reason for thirteen of the Tepas’ hearths leaving the community—this is the tenth point.

Like sparrows filled with grain that … the proud royal vulture, 8 with the support of the Monpas they acted arrogantly, saying that they would punish us (lit. sentence us) in the crags and in the rdzong (or in Dangardzong?)—this is the eleventh point.

During the conflict between Tibet and Mon, we went to [the side of] the good (lit. white) peo- ple of Tibet. The Tibetan strategy worked, but together with the collapse of the Monpas’ army one or two of [the Monpas?] escaped.

In the past…

120. this saying that revenge for the people of ros sleng (?)…wolf killing sheep…

Commentary
20. ’Gug so: the expression ’gug so byed pa also occurs below (ll. 39, 41), and appears to mean ‘wait’ (sgug) rather than ‘bring back’ (’gug).

22. ff. Maipas are regarded even now as being of lower status, and people do not ‘mix mouths’ with them. gYung drung nor bzab is probably another maipa who is being cited as an example of how the Tepas treat members of the profession: he is not allowed into their houses but must wait by the water mill to receive his alms, presumably a proportion of the tsampa that people grind here.

64. ’o gom: from Nep. hukum, ‘order, command, government’. In the present case it may des- ignate some specific type of obligation, but is more likely to be simply an epithet of ’u lag, ‘government corvée obligations’.

70. Ri zhing: the expression is probably not quite synonymous with ri klungs. Ri klungs means ‘pastures and fields’, whereas ri zhing (in Panchgaon for example) means only cultivated land in uninhabited areas.

77. The great rdzongs: possibly a reference to Dzong, Dzar, Kag and Dangardzong? Samar does not seem to have been included as one of the five rgyal sa of Baragaon at that stage.

80. Exploiting: thul here is unlikely to refer solely to cultivation; except in the case of ri zhing

(see above, note to l. 70) only klungs, not ri, are cultivated.

92–94. Phu gu: further below it becomes clear that this can only mean caves. Phu gu could refer to one of two sets of caves, or perhaps to both. Several hours east of Te is a site from which one group of Tepas say they came. Called Nawo Dzong or Nawo Phug. (Note that in the settlement of De, the name Dzong designates the local cliff full of caves.) This consists of a built settlement on a cliff top with caves in the cliff face below it. The other is the set of caves in the cliffs opposite Te, on the north side of the Narshing Chu. Today, the latter are referred to as Iwi Meme Yephug, the High Caves of the Grandmothers and Grandfathers.

Part 2, Transliteration

Section VI, new sheet, Hand F

  1. [±9S] |zh|as pa dang [±3S]

  2. [±6S] srog gi phung ’dre zhes pa [±3S]

  3. [±5S]s par bshad pa rin po che’i g[-]e[ ]

  4. [±5S] |ji ltar| [zlo-] gyur kyang | zur du [±2]

  5. ’babs pa kho nar ’dod zhes su pa ltar | tshugs pa’i rkun |mo|

  6. rkus pa’i lor rgyus zur tsam sleng ba la | sted pa drung |p|[a?]

  7. dang | (sangs rgyas) gnyis kyi phu ku nas tam dmar zho phyed dang g|sum|

  8. dga’ krug kyi tso byas nas rkus pa’i na ma dang cig |

  9. den tsham su | rgyus can phug du zhug | nyam can

  10. gra ru lang nas | de’i byes la | zhang lha skyabs kyi | nge|d|

  11. sted pa’i phu ku srung ba klus nas | hor bum kyi phu ku na|s|

  12. gser zho phyed dang do’i kug rkus pa’i na ma dang gnyis |

  13. den tsham nged sted pa’i rwa tsam dang tsam rkus | tshe

  14. ring don grub dang | (nam mkha’) bsam grub gnyis kyi shags

  15. gyabs dus | rkun tsang ston res byed pa khong thams cad

  16. kyi blo la bsam ba’i na ma dang gsum | der ma

  17. zad | drung pa’i phu ku dga’ drug gi rkud nas sngon

  18. lo char ba’i a ma dang bzhi | den tsham rgya ga ba’i

  19. phu ku rkus pa’i {(bsam mchog) srung kan gyi rgad mo bsad [±1S]}

  20. na ma dang lnga | yang den tsham | rdo rje dpal ’byor gyi z[an?]

  21. tshul gyi rgyu khong rang nang rkus nas | zan tshul

  22. cag pa’i man ma dang drug | den tsham sne shang

  23. ru dmag la gro dus {gra gar [S-] tsha ri [S —] g[-] yul}tshug pas [S-] [-]o[-] [b?]ca[d] nas d[-]i[ ]

  24. {[S—] nas rku|s| nas chu stong du [4S] pa}tson btang ba’i

  25. {’- bu’i} na ma dang bdun | den tsham su | rnams rgya[l]

  26. la gro ’dus rkun mo rkus pa’i na ma dang brgyad |

  27. de tsham rkun mo rkus pa’i snong gi dad ma tshug

  28. pa gros ’ong pa la (rten nas) | dpon drung zhal ngo rnams

  29. kyi kyang chad las dkal ba snang ba yin mchi | dgo[ngs]

  30. par snga ba yin | zhes pa dang | mthun par brag thogs

  31. kyi phug pa thon po la | sted pa kho bya rgyal gying pa

  32. ’dra tshug pa kho cil pa nas zan ’dra [rgyu/ rku] phrogs kyi

  33. bya ba ’ba’ zhig byed | skya rgyal (gi gdung) brgyud skyabs khra dang ’|dra|

  34. nas zan kyi chil pa skad cig gi gsod | g.yong

  35. gril na ma gsum bcu thams pa yin |

    Section VII, new sheet, Hand E

  36. (snga sor?) rgyal po big ram sras ’pheb dus | |brag| dmar [±2S]

  37. spab ste mar lam ’pheb pa’i skabs su | dmag chen [-]|y|[±1]

  38. ’u lag stobs che rang grag pa dang | kral bkod byed dgos

  39. byas pas | srol med zer kral ma nyan par | nged kyis las

  40. nus kun chas kyang ’u lag ma chog pa’i lhag ma btang dgo[s]

  41. byas pas | khong gi rgan pa padma (bkra shis) dang tshe ring don grub gnyis

  42. kyi rtsos pa’i rgan pa kun yong nas | mon la phra man by[as?]…

  43. nged kyi zhing gnyis kyi ston thog byes med la btang rjes

  44. yul khang la me btang ba la | ba sman gyi me gsad thub pa

  45. yin mchis | ’u lag lhag ma rnams gang krol rung ma

  46. nyan par | nged kyis kyal dgos byung ba yin mchis |

  47. snga sor kral bkod byed pa’i srol med pa la da phyin chad rgyal

  48. po pheb pa byung na | ’u lag gi (rigs) yar mar gnyis ka la

  49. kral bkod byed pa byas nas | pho nya ba rgya ga’ sted nas byas

  50. ’gro ba’i chad don byas pa la | rgya ga’ kho stang yed nas byas ste

  51. song ba | sted du mi yong ba de da ru spyad na | {±6S}

  52. {±6S} | Zrgyal po srong tsan rgam po’i zhal

  53. nas bzang po la ’dren pa bas | ngan pa la ’dren pa mang |

  54. ya rab kyi skyes sar ma rab gyi spyod pa byed | ’dod kha rang

  55. gi grub nas gyod kha gzhan la gtong | rang ltog gi dog nas

  56. pha ya skyar la ston | zhes gsung pa yang khyed ’dra ba’i tso

  57. ’o rnams la gong pa yin par ’dug | gyad pa lha skyab yong rung

  58. mthun grub gyi pho nya ba rgya ga’ yong ’dug zer ba rten

  59. nas ma byung na ma dang gcig | de tshams bzang po yong rung rgan pa rnams mthun

  60. grub gyi pho nya ba rgya ga’ yong ’dug zer ba med pa’i kha

  61. la | khos kha nas ci zer na mon la sha khog gcig

  62. ster | sted pa’i mi zhing kha nas yod tshad khrid pa’i chog

  63. zer | kha bod mang po ston pa ma stogs pho nya ba de zhin byung

  64. zer ba ma byung na ma 2 | da ru spyad na pho nya la yong ba ma yin

  65. krug gzhi la yong ba yin pa ’dug na ma 3 | nor bu tshe ring ge

  66. kha nas phan legs pa | stang yed pa glang ngu dang bcas sleb yod

  67. rgan pa ’dzom du shog zer ba la | nged kyi ’o na sa tshams su

  68. shog lab so cug gin dad pas yong khan ma byung na ma bzhi | de’i

  69. nang par (rdo rje) dpal sbyor dang god pa shag gnyis yong nas | (bkra shis)

  70. (tshe dbang) la ltos zer du byung ba la | yar bos nas tsab mo ster

  71. ba’i sa ru | rgan pas chad pa ltar gyi ’u lag gi sla ster

  72. ram mi ster zer lab du byung ba la | de la (bkra shis) (tshe dbang) gi khyed rang

  73. tsho ’u lag rtsam song gi gna’ thon tshams su sla ster ro

  74. byas na ma lnga | yang dpal ’bar la khong gnyis kyis zhing smo ba’i

  75. sa ru lab du yong lugs la | ’u lag ni ma btang ’dug sla s|t|e[r]

  76. ram mi ster lab du byung ba la | ’u chad pa ltar gyi sla spyi la mi

  77. ster ba ster ro | ’u lag spyi song gi kham gna’ cig ni dgos par

  78. ’dug na ma drug | sa tshams su khyed rang tsho mi sna rnams shog | nged kyang

  79. stel yong | de dus tsis gtong byas pas yong lab pa yin na ma dun | de

  80. lab mi lab gyi cha nas khyed (rdo rje) dpal sbyor dang | god pa shag

  81. gnyis dang nga dpal ’bar gna’ su thon rang byas pas chog na ma rgyad |

  82. kho rang gnyis la rol po’i der gong skyem ster | tshog ’dus

  83. rug nas yul pas (dkon mchog) (lhun grub) la lon kos byas pa ltar |

  84. khong gnyis la | dzar du phyin pa’i rgan pa sa tshams su sbyon |

  85. nged kyi rgan pa rnams kyang byon gyin yod do | rgan pas spyi

  86. chod pa zhin byed do byas pa yin |

    Hand G

    pas na ma dgu |

  87. de yang gser sgrib gyi dpon g.yog (thams cad) la tshug

  88. pa khos dug ’drul bzhin du gnod | sted pa kho (nam mkha’i)

  89. khyung che ’dra | dug ’brul kho skad cig gi rlag

  90. par byed zhes gsung so |

    Section VIII, Hand H

  91. snga sor srol med pa la gna’ chad don la ma tsis par

  92. {7S} da man yar mar

  93. gnyis ka la kral bkod mi byed kha med byas nas

    • New sheet, Hand H contd.

  94. mthun grub gyis pho nya ’gro ba byas nas gyan gyab byas

  95. pas tshug pa dpal ’bar la phog rung kho mi yong bar krug

  96. gzhi byas pa yin pas na ma gcig | de nas khos tshab

  97. la rgya dga’ ba dzang pa la | snga sor krol bkod kyi srol

  98. med pa’i tab gyi | sted la gar med gyug gcig byas pa|s|

  99. stang yed la dzang ba dang na ma gnyis | rgya ga ba tshug du

  100. sleb rung rgya ga ba sted du mi dzang ba de ngan g.yo khong tshang

  101. yin pa’i na ma dang gsum | (rin po che) khro bo skyabs pa phyi[b]

  102. kha lho ru sgyur nas zhal ngo gdung rgyud khri thog gdan rim

  103. su’i rnga gyur kyang nged sted pa’i ra ded khan ma byung mchi | s|t|e[d]

  104. tshug gnyis kyi rgan pa su’i tho la yang thab rtsod gnang

  105. che chung ci byung rung sle ’u bden rdzun gyi lon ’gros byed

  106. pa ma rtog kho tshug pa nyi shu rtsam gyi rkun gyug byas |n|[as]

  107. nged sted pa’i ra dzi gnyis kar khridd nas brag dkar gyi [S1]

  108. ba thug khrid ra tshan nag de | rkus nas khyer ba yi[n]

  109. pas nag can gying na ma dang bzhi | yin mchi pas [|]

  110. gtso bor dpon po’i khrim gcod | shod pa nang gi chad las

  111. nged sted pa’i rgyal kha rnams gcad nas snang ba zhu | de yang

  112. chos rje sa paṇḍi tas | rnam pa kun tu ma rtag pa | dgra

  113. la chong ba rlun rtag yin | mar me’i ’od la jing pa

  114. yi | brang bu dpa’ bar ’gro ’am ci | (zhes gsungs) pa ltar | [1S?]

  115. ra nor bu khyod a ma’i thog tu ma skyes nged sted pa’i tho[ ]

  116. s[k]|y|es | n[ ]

Selective amendments
6. lo rgyus; gleng ba 8. kyis gtso byas 9. de mtshams su; du zhugs; nyams can? 10. dgra ru langs?; rjes la 11. bslus nas 12. dang dos khug ? 13. ra tsam 15. rgyab dus; rkun tshang 17. gis brkus nas 22. bcag pa’i na ma 27. gnong gis bsdad ma tshugs 28. bros ’ongs pa 29. ’gel ba gnang 30. mnga’ ba yin; brag thog 31. mthon po; ’gying ba or sgying ba 32. mchil pa nas; ’phrog gi 34. mchil pa; cig gis sod| yongs 36. pheb dus 37. phab te 38. drag pa; bkral bkod; bkral ma 42. kyis gtsos pa’i 43. rjes med 45. gang bkral 46. skyel dgos 51. da rung dpyad na 53. ’dren pa las? 54. ya rabs; ma rabs; bcos pa byed 55. ltogs kyi dogs nas 56. ’don; ’dra ba’i gtso 57. bo rnams la dgongs 63. kha rbad; bton pa ma gtogs; de bzhin 65. dkrug shing la ?; ring gi 66. glang po, SMT long-o; slebs yod 68. lab tu bcug gin bsdad 71. tshabs po (?); gla ster 73. tsam song gi mna’ ’don mtshams su gla 74. zhing rmo 76. ’u [lag?] chad; ci la 77. ster rogs? ci song; mna’ zhig ni 78. sa mtshams 79. thel yong; rtsis 81. mna’ su ’don; na ma brgyad 83. lon bskos 84. sa mtshams su byon 85. ’byon gyin; rgan pas ci 86. chod pa bzhin 88. dug sbrul 89. cig gis rlog 90. gsungs so 91. mna’ chad; brt- sis par 94. rgyan rgyab byas 95. bar dkrug 96. shing byas; kho’i tshab 97. brdzangs 98. pa’i stabs kyis; rgyug gcig 101. skyabs pas chibs 102. bsgyur nas; gdung brgyud 103. sus mnga’ sgyur kyang; ra ’ded mkhan 104. su’i thog la; ’thab rtsod {gnang}105. sle ba?106. gyis rkun rgyug 107. ra rdzi; gnyis kar < SMT nyikara, both; khrid nas 109. nag can ’gying 110. dpon pos khrims chod 111. bcad nas gnang 112. brtags par 113. mchong na; blun rtags yin 113. ’od la ’dzings pa 114. sbrang bu

Translation

Section VI, Hand F
[Lines 1–4 are too fragmented to be translated]

5. To relate briefly the story of the Tshugpas’ thieving. Under the leadership of dGa’ krug they stole two and a half zho of in cash from the cave of the Tepas Drung pa and Sangs rgyas—the first point.

And then someone with information entered the storeroom, and brought someone with [the appropriate technical] knowledge (nyam can for nyams can)

10. as an enemy (?). After that Zhang lha skyabs deceived the sentry of the caves of us Tepas, and from inside Hor bum’s cave stole one and a half zho of gold and a sack used for transport service (dos khug)—this is the second point.

And then they have stolen so many goats from us Tepas. When Tshe ring don grub and Nam mkha’ bsam grub disputed the matter with them, they all thought that their den of thieves would be revealed, one by one—this is the third point.

And furthermore, it has become publicly known (? sngon [mngon] lo char) (or: it emerged last year?) that dGa’ drug burgled Drung pa’s cave—this is the fourth point.

And then, bSam chog, who committed robbery in the caves of the people of rGya ga, killed an old woman who was on guard (deleted)—

20. this is the fifth point.

And then they stole the contents of rDo rje dpal ’byor’s trunk (? zan tshul < zem?) from inside his very house. They broke his trunk (?)—this is the sixth point.

When [we?] went to war in sNe shang 9 (remainder of sentence too damaged to translate)—this is the seventh point.

Then they went to rNams rgyal 10 and stole from there—this is the eighth point.

Being unable to stay in one place because of their awareness of their own guilt about stealing, they fled and came back here, and were consequently punished by the dPon drung nobles. This

30. you are aware of. Furthermore (mthun par), the Tepas are like the proud royal vultures in the high caves of the upper cliffs; the Tshugpas are like grain-eating sparrows that do nothing but steal property (rgyu phrogs [’phrog], or: steal and rob, rku phrogs [’phrog]). You who protect us, the sKya rgyal family, kill these grain-eating sparrows at one stroke like a hawk!

If they are added up there are thirty points.

 

Show 10 footnotes

  1.  The meaning of za di is unclear. To read it as gza’ ‘di, “on this day”, would require understanding the preceding genetive gyi as gyis, and thereby making bSam ’grub the perpetrator, rather than the victim. This would make little sense in the context of a diatribe against Tshug, unless sTeng ya signifies not the nearby village of Taye but Tangma  – sTeng ma?, one of the three settlement areas of Tshug itself.
  2. Ri zhing: in documents from Thini, in Panchgaon, ri zhing denotes small areas of fields in the pastures and forest lands well away from the settlement and the surrounding cultivated area. In the present case ri zhing obviously refers to the four abandoned villages listed above, presumably on the gounds that they have ceased to be autonomous political entities and become mere agricultural satellites of Tshug.
  3. Or, “only if we use all of Tshug’s extensive pasturelands..”.
  4.  mNga’ zhabs, ‘the subjects’, is commonly used in local documents as an epithet for Baragaon.
  5.  Khaba in SMT may mean ‘interpreter’, but its significance in the present context is uncertain.
  6. The identity of the “Ba sman”, a name which appears a number of times in the text, is a mystery. The following line implies that it is the name or title of an individual, the leader of a force, rather than a category of people. (It may be noted that the term Brahman is pronounced ‘baman’ in SMT.)
  7. SMT ampol refers to the dried heads and leaves of sweet buckwheat that are left over after threshing.
  8. Because of damage to the text it is not clear whether the vultures in question represent the Tepas, who are being pestered by less noble creatures, or the Monpas, on whose backs the Tshugwas are riding to (temporary) success.
  9. sNe shang: possibly a reference to Nyeshang (sNye shang, Nye shang etc.), in the Marsyangdi Valley east  of the Annapurnas.
  10. rNam rgyal is the name of a small village located a short distance to the north-west of Lo Manthang.